BERLIN — Church leaders across Germany are grappling with a profound sense of anxiety and introspection following a watershed regional election in the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt, where the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party secured nearly 44 percent of the vote. The ballot box triumph represents a historic milestone for the nationalist movement, bringing the party to the threshold of potentially leading a German state government for the first time since the end of the Nazi era.
The decisive victory occurred despite months of concerted, high-visibility counter-mobilization by both Protestant and Catholic institutions throughout the region. Religious leaders had leveraged pulpits, community forums, and public campaigns featuring slogans such as “Vote Consciously” and “Diversity is Divine!” in an effort to steer their congregations away from far-right extremism. Yet, exit polls and demographic breakdowns following Sunday’s election revealed that these warnings frequently fell on deaf ears among churchgoers, with roughly one-third of participating Catholics and Protestants casting their ballots for the AfD.
The outcome has sent shockwaves through Germany’s religious communities, forcing bishops, pastors, and theologians to re-evaluate their political engagement, the evolving identity of their congregations, and their relationship with a rapidly shifting electorate. As political negotiations loom and subsequent state elections approach, religious institutions find themselves navigating an increasingly polarized landscape where their traditional social safety net programs, public standing, and moral authority face unprecedented pressure.
Campaign Rhetoric and the Rise of the AfD
During the intense regional campaign in Saxony-Anhalt, the AfD focused heavily on anti-migrant rhetoric, frequently linking immigration to local crime rates and proposing stringent policy measures. Among its core proposals, the party has advocated for compulsory labor requirements for asylum-seekers, accelerated deportations for individuals whose asylum claims are rejected, a downplaying of Germany’s historical responsibility for its Nazi past within school curricula, and the institutional separation of children with disabilities from their non-disabled peers.
Despite these controversial platforms, the AfD captured nearly 44 percent of the vote. The party’s path to power now hinges on whether it can successfully negotiate a coalition with another political faction, such as the far-left Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW), or secure the necessary backing from individual cross-over lawmakers to attain a governing majority in the state parliament.
The implications of a potential AfD-led state government extend far beyond Saxony-Anhalt. Many citizens and civil society groups fear that such a development would permanently normalize the party, lowering the threshold for voters across the country to support far-right candidates in national and local elections. These concerns are magnified by upcoming electoral contests scheduled for later this month in the northeastern state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and the city-state of Berlin, where recent polling places the AfD at 38 percent and 18 percent, respectively.
The Religious Vote and Local Realities
For Protestant Regional Bishop Johann Schneider, who resides in the Saxony-Anhalt city of Halle, the election results served as a sobering reality check. Despite the church’s active encouragement for citizens to exercise their democratic duty thoughtfully, subsequent data indicated that 32 percent of Catholic voters and 33 percent of Protestant voters in the state supported the AfD.
Reflecting on the outcome, Bishop Schneider acknowledged the frustrating gap between institutional leadership and congregational behavior. “Now, we have to say, ‘Oh, that’s not so good,’” he remarked, noting that the numbers underscore a deep-seated disconnect.
While the share of church members voting for the AfD remained below the party’s overall statewide total of nearly 44 percent, the absolute volume of religious voters backing the far right has alarmed clergy. Bishop Schneider attributed part of the voting patterns to local demographic and economic realities. He pointed out that the majority of his congregation consists of individuals over the age of sixty, living within an urban center characterized by a notably low average income. In Saxony-Anhalt, Protestants make up approximately 10 percent of the population, while Catholics account for roughly three percent.
Beyond economics, Schneider observed that the AfD successfully tapped into a powerful psychological need for social cohesion and communal belonging, particularly in rural areas. “They had success in creating a feeling of ‘we are together,’” he explained.
A Quasi-Religious Movement
This ability to forge a compelling collective identity was echoed by Christoph Maier, director and head of studies of theology and politics at the Protestant Academy of Saxony-Anhalt. Maier described the AfD’s appeal as resembling “a religious movement without any sense of God.”
Throughout the campaign, Maier frequently encountered criticism suggesting that the church had crossed a line into partisan politics. He countered these objections by posing a fundamental challenge to his interlocutors: “Is it possible that the AfD has become too religious?”
In Maier’s assessment, the AfD constructs its communal identity by marginalizing minority groups and dissenting viewpoints, propagating a worldview that fundamentally contradicts core Christian doctrines. Rather than relying on traditional party political platforms, Catholic Deacon Christoph Tekaath argued that adherence to foundational Christian values—such as charity, solidarity, and dialogue—made public opposition not only appropriate but essential.
“For me, the key point is this: the church should not be party political. But it must be political when human dignity and the foundations of our common life are at stake,” Tekaath stated. “When people are devalued or excluded because of their origin, religion or way of life, the church cannot simply remain neutral.”
A History of Speaking Out
The mobilization in Saxony-Anhalt did not occur in a vacuum. German church leaders have repeatedly addressed the rise of right-wing extremism in recent years. In 2024, the German bishops’ conference issued a unanimous declaration explicitly stating that ethnic nationalism is fundamentally incompatible with Christian faith. Similarly, Magdeburg Bishop Gerhard Feige has maintained a long-standing public stance against right-wing extremism, including participating directly in anti-extremism demonstrations in 2024.
According to Tekaath, the intensity of the church’s involvement during this election cycle was heightened by coordinated efforts among multiple Christian institutions operating under the banner of the “Vote Consciously” initiative. Yet, he emphasized that the most challenging work lies ahead, requiring pastors and community workers to engage directly with alienated voters rather than erecting defensive barriers, all while maintaining firm opposition to inhumane ideologies.
Vulnerability and the Future of Church Services
The political shift also introduces immediate practical threats to the institutional survival of the churches themselves. The AfD has previously floated proposals to eliminate state funding for both Protestant and Catholic institutions in Germany.
While Bishop Schneider expressed concern over these proposals, he noted that the complex legal framework of the Federal Republic would make such funding cuts legally difficult to implement. Nevertheless, the mere prospect creates acute vulnerability for the social welfare programs operated by religious organizations, including critical support systems such as counseling services for women trapped in abusive relationships.
“Germany is a very legalistic country and if you don’t know your rights, you are lost,” Schneider observed, highlighting the irreplaceable nature of church-backed social infrastructure. “Who is interested in women in need? No one… Only the church.”
Schneider believes that religious institutions are increasingly being utilized as political scapegoats. He pointed out that declining membership rates have left churches more susceptible to public backlash and marginalization. “Churches are a good example to be blamed, because we are so ‘irrelevant’ in society,” he said, noting that a dismissive colloquialism has begun circulating locally: “Are you normal or are you Christian?”